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非華語學生 Non-Chinese Speaking Students

簡介 Introduction

非華語 學生 是在香港居住 求學 的非華人少數族裔 學 生的統稱,籍裔包括尼泊爾、印度、巴基斯坦以及尼日利亞等。 有些 非華語學生於香港出生 ,其 家族 或已有幾代 移居香港生活 , 亦一批非華語學生跟父母屬新移民到港,剛開 始以香港為家 ( 葉一知 , 2013) 。 由於非華語 學生 自小成長於非華語的語境下,他們即使能操流利英語及粵語,但他們的中文能力普遍比華裔學生差,日後升學及就業均做成困難 (Cheung, 2015) 。除了語言障礙,非華語 學生 往往被標籤化,在社會上受到種族歧視,不被社會的主流群體所接納,繼而引致更多不同層面的邊緣化及不公平對待,例如 健 康 保健 服務、 成 長 發展的培 育、 使 用 康 樂 體 育 及應有的福 利等 ( 王家文 , 2018) 。

"Non-Chinese speaking students" is a collective term which refers to students of non-Chinese ethnic minorities living in Hong Kong including Nepali, Indian, Pakistan and Nigerian etc. Some of them are born in Hong Kong as their family has been living in Hong Kong for several generations. Some students and their parents are new immigrants to Hong Kong. In general, they take Hong Kong as their home ( 葉一知 , 2013) . Since they grow up in a non-Chinese speaking context, their Chinese proficiency is generally poor when compared to their Chinese peers even they are fluent in both English and Cantonese. Poor Chinese proficiency becomes a barrier to pursue further education and employment in the future (Cheung, 2015) . In addition to the language barriers, non-Chinese speaking students are often being stigmatized and discriminated for the society. Social isolation leads to further marginalization and inequality in different perspectives in terms of medical health services, cultivation of children and youth development, use of sports and Recreation and access to welfare etc ( 王家文 , 2018) .

作者/Author: Carmen K.M. Yau
中國滿清政府在1842年將香港島割讓給大英帝國成為殖民地,直到1997年,英國將香港主權移交中華人民共和國。在這百多年殖民地歷史中,人群從中國大陸及其他地區移居香港,因此“香港人”並不直接指涉特定族裔或國籍。然而,回歸後,華裔居民逐漸佔大多數,根據香港2016年的人口普查,92% 人口是華裔,其中31% 出生於中國大陸、臺灣或澳門。在5萬非華裔人口中,最大的族群是菲律賓人、印尼人和白人,分別占非華裔人口的31.5、26.2% 和10.0%,其他亞洲族群包括印度人、巴基斯坦人和尼泊爾人 (HKSAR, 2017)。

“香港人”一詞 在中文語境中使用多年,但英語專有名詞 “Hongkonger”則是在2014年才被《牛津英語詞典》正式收錄 (South China Morning Post, 2014)。“香港人”本身並不是法定用語,在政府文件中,通常被稱作“香港居民”。香港居民包括不同類型,例如:i) 非永久香港居民是指持有香港身份證但沒居留權的人士,ii) 香港永久居民是持有香港永久居民身份證及居留權的人士,iii) 大部份港人持有中國護照及香港永久居民身份證,iv) 也有部份港人持有香港永久居民身份證但並非持有中國護照 (HKSAR, 2019) 。

自1997年回歸20多年後,香港人的國族身份認同仍然是個未解決的問題。一項在2017年發佈的調查顯示,香港居民對“香港人”這身份的認同感最強,其次是其他國族文化身份,例如亞洲人、世界公民、中華民族、中國人等等。在所有身份選項中,香港居民對“中華人民共和國公民”的認同感最弱,這在18-29 年齡組中尤為明顯 (HKUPOP, 2017)。

有學者指出“中國公⺠”⼀直是個複雜多變的概念。沈旭輝 (2007) 認為中國⺠族主義是複雜⽽多元,⽽且往往是由下⽽上得到⼤陸公⺠⽀持。Zhao (2006) 指出⾃清朝以來,及⾄今天的中華⼈⺠共和國憲法,“中國⼈”這概念在官⽅定義中⼀直指涉多⺠族 (多元⼀體)。

Hong Kong became a colony of the British Empire after Qing Empire ceded Hong Kong Island in 1842, and its sovereignty was handed over from Britain to People’s Republic of China (PRC) in 1997. For more than a hundred years in this British colony, people from mainland China and other parts of the world resided in Hong Kong, and Hong Kong people do not comprise of one particular ethnicity or nationality. After the 1997 handover, the proportion of ethnic Chinese has obviously increased, according to Hong Kong's 2016 census, 92% of its population is ethnically Chinese, with 31% were born in Mainland China, Taiwan or Macau. Among the 0.58 million non-Chinese, the largest ethnic groups in Hong Kong were Filipinos, Indonesians and Whites, constituting 31.5%, 26.2% and 10.0% of the non-Chinese population respectively, other south Asians include Indian, Pakistani, and Nepalese (HKSAR, 2017).

The Chinese term “xianggangren” has been used for years in Chinese contexts, but the English term “Hongkonger” has just recently been officially added to the Oxford English Dictionary in March 2014 (South China Morning Post, 2014). The term “Hongkonger” itself has no legal definition by the Hong Kong Government. More precise terms such as Hong Kong Permanent Resident and Hong Kong Resident are used in legal contexts, in which there are different types of Hong Kong residency, such as: i) non-permanent Hong Kong residents who are people holding Hong Kong Identity Cards but they have no right of abode, ii) permanent Hong Kong residents are those holding Hong Kong Permanent Identity Cards and having the right of abode, iii) most residents hold permanent Hong Kong Residents Identity Cards and Chinese passports, iv) but there are also permanent Hong Kong residents who do hold Chinese passport (HKSAR, 2019).

More than two decades after the 1997 handover, the subjective ethno-national identity of Hongkongers is still an unsettled issue. A 2017 survey showed that citizens continue to feel the strongest when identified as “Hongkongers”, then followed by a number of ethno-cultural identities, such as Asian, global citizens, Chinese, etc. The feeling of being “citizens of the PRC” is the weakest among all identity options, and this was particularly obvious in the 18-29 age group (HKUPOP, 2017).

Some scholars see that “Chinese” has always been a complex concept. Shen (2007) sees that Chinese nationalism is complicated and diverse, and it is often bottom-up, supported by mainland citizens. Zhao (2006) sees that the term Chinese has denoted multi-ethnicities and multi-nationalities since the Qing dynasty (diversity in unity, “duoyuanyiti).


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